Feminization of Emigration

The subject of study is the Bulgarian women, who for different, mainly economic, reasons emigrate to other countries and how this affects their social and psychological status. During the transition, immigration processes in Bulgaria accelerated. A special feature is the feminization of emigration. With this peculiarity, we get into the general flow of feminization of emigration around the world. Similar are some consequences of this feminization – breaking down families; keeping the children in the hands of spouses and parents who too often fail to cope with the challenge; bribery of children with dry money, which accustom them to laziness and to unacceptable and criminal activities; staying with the status of a non-married woman; loneliness etc.


Introduction
One of the features of modern migration is its feminization. Due to the fact that the importance of this type of migration has increased over the last decades, its research is deepening.
According to widespread definition migration is a private solution to social problems (Castles & Miller, 1998: 8). But it affects not only private individuals but also the whole society.

Method
The article was written based on the following research methods: -Conducted interviews with 15 Bulgarian women who were immigrants at one stage or another in their lives; -Literature research.

Essence of feminization
Until recently, women were mostly seen as accompanying their male immigrants. In addition, they too often work illegally, and this reduces the possibility of reliable statistical data for female migration. The focus on migration is slowly moving towards self-migrant women and illegal migrants as their role grows.
"The migration of large masses of people for reasons of religious, ethnic, political, military-political, etc. character has its origins since ancient times. However, international labor migration, which is mainly based on economic factors and motives, is a relatively new phenomenon that began in the early nineteenth century. Today, the international migration of labor resources can be interpreted as a global phenomenon, which in varying degrees and form affects a huge number of countries from all regions, encompasses significant social and professional qualifications groups" (Kaslz, 2001: 32).
"While the relative share of international migrants in the period  does not exceed 2.2-2.3% of the world population, this share has increased significantly over the past 15 years and now stands at about 3.0%" (see Marinov, 2007).
In order to resolve the emerging demographic problems and the need to provide labor resources highly developed countries such as the US and Canada, but mainly the EU countries are pursuing a consistent policy of systematically attracting economic migrants. This policy is reflected in the European Union's special multiannual "programs" from Tampere (1999), Hague (2004), Stockholm (2009). The "Open and Secure Europe: Making vision a reality program begins in 2014. In 2015, due to migratory events, the European Commission adopted a new "European Migration Program". It is significant that all "programs" point out as their main objective finding channels for "legal" migration needed to provide a minimum of 60 million migrants by 2050" (Manov, 2015: 197-198).
There is a steady increase in the relative share of women in modern international migration. According to some estimates, as early in the mid-1990s women account for about 48% of the total number of international migrants, and in many host countries women even predominate in the total number of immigrants.
The issue of the term "feminization of emigration" is still debated. Overall, however, attention is concentrated on several aspects of the phenomenon (Vause & Toma, 2015: 40-41): -Gradual increase in the percentage of female migrants; -Increase in absolute levels of female mobility; -Increase in women's economic mobility in particular; -Process of returning many women, even with a high degree of education, to the so-called "female roles"; -Women are playing an increasing part in all regions and in all types of migrations; -More women are now migrating independently in search of jobs, rather than as family dependents travelling with their husbands or joining them abroad.
It is becoming increasingly common to note that the degree of autonomy in the migration of women is increasing. This increase is competing as a criterion for feminization to increase the absolute amount of migrant women and their percentage vs. migrant men.
In different regions of the world, women's emigration is developing at its own speed, direction of migration flows and other peculiarities. But the socio-economic and psychological problems of migrant women are similar.

Types of migrant women's behavior
In terms of the reasons why women emigrate, their behavior as migrants, the problems they have to overcome, they are different types.
The article deals with those cases where women are the active factor rather than follow the man in his emigration.
Some women go on a journey to make a better career, to get to know the world without being forced by circumstances. For them, the term "voluntary migrants" is used.
And the others go to help survival of their families because of unemployment and poverty, such as escaping from a dangerous family or social environment, as a result of the psychological pressure of loved ones. For them, the term "forced women migrants" is used.
Let me suggest a hypothesis that I can't confirm with facts so far, but it seems to me to be too logical, probable and defensible. In the case of the first type of migrant women, there is probably more likely to be a planned permanent emigration, while the latter are probably more likely to be planned for temporary emigration.
More emancipated women who are psychologically motivated by a desire for realization seek less for their relatives in the country they go to, to become their "bridge" to travel, than less emancipated women who become migrants from a huge need.
In some cases, the woman leaves herself, another part is driven by her family. The degree of independence of the decision to emigrate largely depends on the degree of gender emancipation in the country concerned. The decision to emigrate into more modern societies is taken more independently, with less psychological pressure from the family. In the more "not emancipated" countries, the emigration of a woman is more of a collective solution. In the more "emancipated" countries, the percentage of women making their own decisions increases.
"Comparing five Latin American countries, Massey et al. (2006) show that the characteristics of female migration vary according to the patriarchal nature of the gender system. They find that in societies where women are more autonomous, independent, and less tied to men as partners, they are more likely to migrate as independent agents" (Vause & Toma, 2015: 44).
"Similar findings are reported by Cerrutti and Gaudio (2010) in their comparison of Mexican and Paraguayan migration patterns: gender relations (among others) affect the volume of female migration, the characteristics of women who migrate and the channel of migration. According to Oishi (2005), the extent and the ways in which women cross borders depends on the "social legitimacy" of this behavior in a given society, and is deeply rooted in the prevailing social norms about gender equality and women's wage employment. Oishi convincingly shows how the low social legitimacy for female migration in Bangladesh, externalized in restrictive government policies and internalized by the women themselves, is a major factor explaining the low levels of female mobility from that country" (Vause & Toma, 2015: 44-45).

Female emigration is both legal and illegal.
There is a big difference between the economic, social and psychological problems of legal and illegal migrants. Legal migrants are less likely to be exploited, discriminated, to a greater extent with normal labor contracts, have a greater ability to solve their personal problems successfully. Towards illegal migrants are increasing exploitation rates, violence; increasing the unlawful requirements for personal behavior, the appearance of the migrant, the limitations of social life, problems in family status settlement, etc. The risk of psychological problems and the feeling of loneliness increases to them.
"In some cases care workers are compelled to co-reside in the houses of their rich employers to guarantee twenty-four-hour availability. This, however, isolates them from the outside world and renders socialization and integration into their new society nearly impossible.
Even more detrimental is the fact that cohabitation makes domestic workers nearly helpless in cases of discrimination, exploitation, and abuse -including incarceration, violence, sexual harassment, and/or rape. Removal of legal documents, under-or non-payment, as well as denial of resting times (even sick leave) or overtime pay, are more the rule than the exception. Due to the private nature of houses, locating women at risk of enslavement is nearly impossible. As many female migrant workers work without a residence or work permit, the fear of deportation aggravates their situation and makes it even harder to proceed against the culpable" (Gunduz, 2013: 36).
Sometimes migrants with undocumented status even are preferred, since this situation increases employers' control and power over them. All migrant host countries -to one degree or another, have a very deliberate policy of allowing migrants with illegitimate status for the sake of prosperity and the benefit of some of their citizens and/or the state as a whole. And they allow migrants to be subjected to violence of all kinds -economic, physical and psychological.
Much of the migrant, especially migrants with undocumented status, is in the sphere of what Bridget Anderson calls "three C's -cleaning, cooking, caring" (Anderson, 2007: 249).
In Asia "the largest proportion of these women, documented and undocumented, continues to work in job categories characteristically assigned to female migrants, such as live-in domestic workers, care givers, entertainers, sex workers and other service employees. A smaller but substantial proportion of women work in the garment sector and as agricultural and fish farm hands" (Piper, 2008(Piper, : 1294.
The "care drain" migrant must also include emotion. The emotion that has moved away, alienated from her close people, she gives to strangers. This not only improves their quality of life through their work but also gives them an emotional surplus. There is an import of care and love from the poorer to the richer countries. And in the countries of migrants, the degradation of families and children is increasing. It comes to the paradox -female migrants to work as babysitters and at the same time to pay babysitters for their own children. There is talk of 'globalization of motherhood".
The other seemingly paradox, in fact a very regular phenomenon -when mother looks at children, is "motherhood" and is respected, and when it comes to the same but paid work of immigrants, it is disrespectful for unskilled labor. This is a condition for its lower pay and the result of the historically dominant male perspective in the management of social processes even today, even in the most developed countries. This point of view also proves to be psychological convenient for women who use the labor of migrants.
The patriarchal logic of the interpretation of public phenomena and attitudes towards people and their work influences the research of female migration. Interpretation of the fact that a migrant woman is a victim is probably another evidence of the millennia-rooted way of thinking that the woman is in a subordinate position, dependent on the decisions of the man, in need of these decisions, unable to play an active role in her own life. Such a way of thinking exists not only among male scientists but also among women scientists.
A woman is usually represented as a passive factor, as a victim, not as a co-operative factor in everything that happens to her in emigration. "Characteristically labelling women as "victims" objectifies them: their lives, feelings and humanness, are rendered invisible and transformed into stereotypical cardboard characters. More importantly, it denies them agency, as victims have no ability or power to change their circumstances" (Kihato, 2007: 91).
This interpretation is contradictory to the fact that migrants are usually from countries where there is a developed modernization or where it evolves, that is, there is some -a greater or lesser degree -of emancipation of the woman, socio-psychological readiness to be an active and decisive factor for her behavior. Migrant women are not from the most undeveloped and patriarchal countries in which women are a more passive factor in solving their fate. Migration from middle-developed countries to more developed countries is greatest. It is difficult for the women from poorest countries to emigrate, as it requires money, information and psychological characteristic of a more emancipated woman.
In fact, women take an initiative in the majority of cases of emigration. They also have different forms of response to the conditions in which they work and live in emigration. They change their jobs, negotiate, renegotiate their working conditions, fight. There are different categories of migrant women according to their psychological resilience and willingness to fight. Among migrants there are different categories of women. Those who are psychological ready to suffer, tolerate harsh discrimination and those who are psychological ready to fight for better working conditions and a fairer attitude towards them. Sometimes, when they seem to accept something that is not for acceptance, it is better than what they have escaped. It turns out they are not "sacrificing", but that they make the better choice for them.
A unique example of a migrant woman with psyche of a fighter is Kostadinka Kuneva. Bulgarian, with a high historical education, forced by her child's illness to emigrate to Greece. She works as a cleaner, becomes an active union member and actively struggles to improve the working conditions of Greek wipers. She assists in winning the right on a weekday for wipers on the subway. It gets too awkward and pours it with acid. She becomes a symbol of the struggle, and behind it stands a huge number of Greek workers to the point of electing her in the European Parliament elections in 2014 as a deputy for the "Syriza" party. She manages to survive psychologically and recover partially physically after 40 surgeries.
There is a big difference between migrant women according to their national background and their direction of migration movement -depending on the degree of modernization of their countries, their culture, religion, psychology and other factors.
In the Bulgarian case, it is about high unemployment, poverty and a pessimistic view of life during the transition. This tends to make the bulk of Bulgarian women in Greece -a neighboring country with a similar culture and job opportunities. "In terms of professions, females are in the service sectors, scientific and artistic professions while men are in agriculture and technical professions" (Lianos, 2001: 8). Much of the Bulgarians work in spheres traditionally related to the woman's historical roles -care of children and adults, cleaning. This activity is generally not particularly well paid. And when it comes to the common illegitimacy of their status, it is clear what the discrimination is. On the other hand, these migrants are somewhat interested in their illegal situation because they do not pay taxes. Therefore, many of them are ready to bear discrimination. This is tolerated through the policy of the Greek state. "It should be noted that being an illegal migrant did not entail substantial risks of arrest and deportation, particularly in rural areas and in peak seasons when demand for labor is high, as long as one remained quiet and out of trouble" (Lianos, 2001: 4). More than 50% of Bulgarian illegal immigrants in Greece are women.
Bulgarian migrants in other European countries are often doctors, nurses because of low pay for their work in Bulgaria and increased violence against them by patients. There are a lot of Bulgarian women practicing the prostitution craft and stealing in developed European countries, part of them being victims of trafficking. More varied is the profile of Bulgarians remaining in work in other countries after graduation.
Much of the female migration is related to the insertion of women into roles that are characteristic of the historic fate of women, associated with maternity and home, servicing the male (prostitution). This is because these women usually go to more developed countries, where women have more withdrawn from these roles and they have many vacancies. Women from underdeveloped countries with no special education use their knowledge and skills accumulated for thousands of years and passed on by family.
In other cases, like Bulgaria and Greece, Romania and Greece it's about countries with a similar degree of modernization but with a different economic situation. Therefore, in this case, women with a higher degree of education, they enjoyed in the time of "socialism" in a more appropriate way, often are going to the other states to perform unskilled work, not having something in common in their education. It is not a matter of self-development but of professional degradation. Greek women have a similar degree to Bulgarians but have better material opportunities and do not want to carry out the above-mentioned activities. Bulgarians fill the niche in the labor market, no matter what education they have.
This process of returning many women, even with a high degree of education, to the so-called "female roles" of the patriarchal times can also be denoted by the term "feminization" of emigration (Ho, 2006: 499). It is usually accompanied by great psychological drama, difficulty in accepting the new personal status and the attitude of others towards it.
One part of the Greek men, who behave towards their wives as emancipated women, are at the same time tempted to treat the Bulgarian women as women worthy of patriarchal roles only. The same applies to many American men who have emancipated women and treat them as such, and to the illegal domestic helpers refer from the position of the patriarchal man. In the book Global Woman by B. Erenrayh and A. R Hohshild, is mentioned a case of a man who works in an international human rights organization and at the same time treats a domestic worker as a slave.

Married and unmarried family migrants
The difference between unmarried and family migrants is quite substantial. Their motives, behaviors, problems and emotions vary to a great extent.
Some of the migrants are single. They have their own specific psychology. They often go on a journey from a career wish, for better professional realization, sometimes to follow in a higher education institution and then stay in the respective country. But another part is forced by the circumstances to emigrate.
One of the problems of unmarried migrants is finding a suitable professional realization. Finding jobs requiring lower qualifications is a loss to both them and the world economy. But surely this is a loss for the sending country.
Emigrants are usually subjected to less or very severe discrimination and exploitation in labor to the extent of talking about contemporary slavery (Erenrayh & Hohshild, 2004). Being often illegal, they can't take advantage of the institutionalized rights of working people, harder may fight for their rights at all. They often have to use indirect, less painful ways for the employer to express their discontent -through language, songs and under similar tools (Tulud, 2006: 16).
Even when they have legal status and a high level of education, these women are much more difficult to prove themselves in the labor market they have to work more intensively and longer than the local population in order to gain a similar position in the profession. This often has a negative effect on their mental state.
Another problem directly related to the first is the difficulty of finding a partner, of forming a family, of reproducing. This is hampered by the difficulty of finding a job, the fear of losing a job that has already been found, greater discrimination against emigrants, the risk of being fired if they leave for maternity, etc. These are objective reasons that lead to a delay in solving the family problem, delaying, postponing births, to a feeling of loneliness. Perhaps such migrant women (as well as migrant men) are one of the streams in the great river of the so-called "lonely people" for whom the UK already has a ministry.
Of course, there are countries with a different policy. For example, countries where, due to modernization, birth rates are decreasing, and culture also causes the birth of more boys. At one point, the imbalance between men and women is becoming a problem. There are not enough women -for example, in South Korea. Some of the immigrants who want to stay in the host country at all costs sometimes try to solve their problem by marrying a local man. This phenomenon is becoming more and more massive in recent decades.
There is a developing of so-called "matchmaking industry" (Lee, 2012: 177). Adoption of women from other countries is a way to overcome the tendency to problems with the reproduction of the population, a way of providing cheap labor to low-income families (especially in the villages), a way of providing people to carry out social activities in the family -watching adults, patients, children, trying to keep family values. It is obviously relying on the fact that emigrant women are less emancipated than Korean women and are more likely to give birth and do farm work and domestic activities. The state respects its policy. "With the increase in crossborder marriages, the Korean government implemented a series of policies, including the Act to Support International Marriage for Rural Bachelors (2006-7), the Act on Regulation of Marriage Brokerage Agent (Act No. 8688) in 2007, and the Support for Multicultural Families Act (Act No. 8937) in 2008" (Lee, 2012: 178). This is a way of slowing down the negative effects of woman's emancipation in the host country. And it is perhaps one of the most painless, sparing ways for an immigrant woman to adapt to her new place and obtain a decent, self-respecting social status. It is a way of moving away from the status of a lonely person.
The other emigrants are with family, sometimes with children. They have other problems. They usually go to work, most often to save their families from poverty and degradation. When they go to other countries, they usually go through a huge psychological drama.
In any case, the emigration of a woman and the provision of an important or even single income for her family sharply undermine the patriarchal model of role distribution between genders, accelerate changes in the psychological relationship between them, accelerate emancipation of both the woman and the man, regardless of his or her desire. It renegotiates the scheme of daily family commitments, generative and sexual relationships. It becomes necessary to change the perception of the other, the psychological expectations about his behavior.
The situation is similar with non-immigrant women but pursuing careers in their homeland. "A Swedish study recently found that women with a career are more at risk of divorce than men in leadership positions. The study found that within three years of reaching the CEO position, women divorces twice as often as men at the same level in the professional hierarchy. An analysis of data from the last 30 years for ladies who have held elected offices in Sweden as MPs or mayors shows that 25% of them were divorced at the eighth year of their political career. For those who are not so successful, the percentage is 15, while for their male counterparts there is nothing like that. The changed social and economic situation of the wife usually does not meet the expectations of the husband" (Trifonova, 2020).
At the psychological level, it is still not considered normal for a woman to have a career, but for a man to act as her companion, a man who looks after home and children and does not pursue her own career. The vast majority of men who are for equality between men and women in the field of work have not yet matured to perceive such a reversal of historical roles in their own families. "The modern marriage market simply does not keep up with the labor market on gender equality" (see Trifonova, 2020). The pattern here is that changes in people's psychological attitudes are slower than changes in their socio-economic life.
A typical example of a career woman is the life of Soviet actress Lyudmila Gurchenko. She changes several spouses who are impressed and charmed at the beginning of their relationship by her vitality and talent. But over time, they are overtaken by creative envy, male intolerance of life in the shadow of the wife, and go to separation. Only her last husband, again in the field of artistic culture (musician), was able to take on the role of the service staff (in the good sense of the word), which has historically been played by a woman. Experiencing times of crisis he succeeds to the end to play the role of a loving husband, forgetting his creative abilities and ambitions.
But these types of men are still very difficult to find.
The situation is similar with emigrating women. They deprive their children and husbands of their basic needs. And as much as men and their children try to explain their mother's lack rationally and to accept it, to tolerate it on a psychological level, and for a long time, it is quite unbearable and many people do not manage to do it. And many men and children do not try to understand and bear it.
Changes in policies towards migrants and their families are needed, as well as in research into these issues. "There has been relatively little attention paid to the social protection of the migrant's family, migrants' social rights to family life, and the social protection of return migrants, but interest in all three is growing" (Locke, Seeley & Rao, 2013: 1886. "The term 'care drain' is generally used to indicate a reduction in the level of practical care and emotional and educational guidance available to the most vulnerable members of a family (particularly minors and the elderly) due to the emigration of the family members most engaged in the provision of care. Any man or woman who leaves their country deprives their natural family of care resources; the more involved the migrants were in family care before their departure, the more manifest this deprival will be" (Piperno, 2012: 192). In general, the mother's absence at home affects the children worse than the lack of father. Even in more developed countries, where fathers' contribution to childcare is closest to that of mothers, the gap in willingness and skill to commit to children and home remains. And this is even more valid for less industrialized countries where gender equality is to a lesser extent and men's emancipation has developed to a lesser extent. Less is his psychological willingness to assume the functions of a woman. In other words, leaving children with the father is riskier for them. And this leads to an increase in psychological stress in the immigrant mother, as well as in other family members.
Migrants with families usually leave their children in the care of their husbands. In many cases they feel offended they think the situation is threatening their male dignity. The more unemancipated a man, the worse he feels and the worse he deals with the situation. On the one hand, he has a guilty conscience that he can't provide income, and because of that his wife has to emigrate to work. On the other hand, there is not enough skill and willingness to do these things a mother does with her children and looking at the house. Some of these men, to escape from their new problems, resort to alcohol and drugs, others become ill or find new partners (Hoang, Lam, Yeoh & Graham, 2015). This, in turn, badly affects the children and the migrant woman.
More emancipated men have a better psyche to accept and deal with this situation. They learn new skills or deepen their old child and housekeeping skills. But even in countries like Romania and Bulgaria with a comparatively higher level of gender equality, most men find it difficult to take on the role of mothers in such a situation. In most cases, they look for other options -grandparents, professional caregivers, and so on. Or they happen to be listed above.
"With temporary migration involving highly feminized streams, this entails reversed gender roles by which a wife becomes the family's breadwinner while her husband is supposed to attend to the children and household. Studies have shown that marital conflict frequently results from this, at least in the initial stages, as such role reversal tends to challenge men's sense of masculinity, especially for those who experience long-term unemployment in a stagnant economy" (Piper, 2008(Piper, : 1289(Piper, -1290.
In romantic Western films, the plot of fathers abandoned by women or widows is often developed, making every effort to adapt to the situation and to care for their children and family. Of course, this is not the case with women who emigrated for economic reasons. But the problems of the fathers are identical.
They are even smaller men in the "non-emancipated" countries that decide to take on women's functions despite contempt, mockery and hardship on the part of most of society -their colleagues, friends, etc. Most are drenched, looking for lovers to prove their masculinity, play or drink their women's money.
Since men are less likely than women to live alone in such a situation, the lack of a woman at home is a condition for finding another partner. This further complicates the relationship with children and the psychological situation of the emigrant woman.
Usually, studies of the influence of missing parents on children's development focus on missing mothers and not on absent fathers. This may be indirect proof of creating a more problematic situation when the mother is an emigrant. Or, it is evidence that even in the most emancipated countries it is considered more natural to emigrate man not woman.
The other option for solving the problem of children with emigrated mothers is to remains their children to parents and relatives. This is a prerequisite for a number of problems of any nature. Parents are adults, of other generations, with quite different perceptions of life. At the value and psychological level, divergences are not easily overcome. In addition, the age, physical capabilities of the immigrant's parents sometimes prevent all engagements from being fulfilled in an appropriate manner. "Conflicts between migrants and their own parents or parents-in-law often arise when remittances are disrupted or there are disputes over differences in caring practices between generations" (Hoang, Lam, Yeoh & Graham, 2015: 266).
The reduced degree of control or lesser quality control of children's development is present because there is no major control factor in the family -the mother. In any case, it is a fundamental change in family relationships and care system that often leads to substantial negative effects affecting all family members.
Some women manage to communicate with their children from a distance so that they develop properly. In the proper attitude of the mother and those who care for the child, the absence of the mother may not only act negatively but also motivate. Children can learn to participate more actively in family life, raising brothers and sisters. But in the majority of cases, the opposite results are obtained.
"Children's everyday responses may be classified in three ways: resilience, as expressed in the small shifts and turns that allow them to manage and adapt to life's changing circumstances; reworking, in the form of more deliberate, practical actions to alter inequalities and make daily lives more livable; and resistance, or acts invocating 'oppositional consciousness… to confront and redress' oppressive and exploitative conditions" (Katz, 2004: 251).
"Absenteeism and school dropout, combined with a growing decline in study motivation, were among the issues most frequently cited. Some also mentioned difficulties in reintegrating students into school on their return from visits abroad. Others again pointed to the fact that the lack of opportunities for parents and teachers to meet and discuss matters undermines the work of teachers and makes it more difficult to come up with an educational program tailored to individual students. Behavioral problems, such as conflict and lack of discipline, or simply the emotional distress experienced by students with parents abroad, make managing relationships with students even more complicated for teachers.
For these reasons also, many teachers raised the need for further training for themselves, and for greater involvement of school psychologists. From the report published by the Soros Foundation (Toth et al., 2007), it emerges that the care drain issue makes the need for improved triangular coordination with families and local social services, which are often lacking or inadequate, an even more pressing issue for school staff. Without these cooperation teachers end up directly performing a social work role that is outside their field of professional responsibility and for which they have not been trained" (Piperno, 2012: 199).
"A number of speakers emphasized that minors with parents abroad show a tendency to relate more to life on the street than to families or institutions and to adopt a value system that hinges more on earning money abroad than the importance of obtaining an education. The main effects of parental emigration on youths are negative, especially if it's the mother or both parents who leave… Absenteeism, deterioration in scholastic performance or school drop-out, social marginalization, behavioral problems and, sometimes, deviant behavior, are the main issues cited in the report. A second study by Alternative Social, carried out in collaboration UNICEF (UNICEF, 2008), confirmed such results. According to the authors of the study, the emigration of mothers has a particularly dramatic effect not only because it removes the principal source of family care, but also because the departure often takes place within the context of a failing relationship between parents, where there is a higher risk of child abuse by fathers" (Piperno, 2012: 199).
Women send tangible assets in an attempt to improve the lives of their children and their partner and to silence their guilty conscience. They try to keep in touch, but it is less or more hampered by objective circumstances. It is difficult for them to exercise the necessary control over the consumption of the material goods they send, the behavior of the people they have left their children and the development of their children's values and psyche. Reaction too often produces negative effects. The material benefits are: -Not for learning but for demonstrating material goods in school; -Not for learning and work, but for alcoholism or narcotics; -Not for learning and work, but for indiscriminate sex, with all the major risks to youth in today's society.
Some of these children neither study, nor work. So migrant women with families suffer: -On the one hand, the separation with their families and the difficulties in regulating the family relations and the education of the children; -On the other hand, from the problems in their foreign environment.

Socio-economic and psychological problems of migrant women
It can be summed up that migrant women have different types of economic and status problems.
One of the dangers for both unmarried and family women is the difficulty, often the inability to find a job in the specialty and the danger of de-qualifying, entering the ranks of the unskilled labor of a caregiver, a cleaner, etc., as is the mass case, because in countries, where they emigrate, people are usually looking for less-skilled work. There are formal and informal barriers to their work and professional development in the specialty -coercion to invest money for the recognition of diplomas, for taking part in courses. Some of these women fail, for financial or other reasons, to do this and are lagging behind in the more skilled labor market.
"Little mention is made of skilled migrant women's trajectories (those with tertiary education) like the large majority of health care professionals, who are persuaded to migrate to provide social care in advanced economies (Kofman & Raghuram, 2006). Although they have a university/professional education in their countries of origin, they are expected to adapt their qualifications, access further and higher education, and attend English-language classes to advance their careers in a new country with many "paper walls" (Brinkmann 2006). These obstacles may prove to be too difficult to overcome; they can stay stuck in jobs significantly below their qualifications, such as being carers or cleaners (Cuban 2008). Without opportunities to advance, they can become deskilled. Pratt, in a study of Filipina nurses in Canada, explains: "deskilling happens through immigration, followed by ghettoisation within marginal occupations and low monetary returns on educational investments. It is a story that has been remarkably resistant to change, particularly for women (2004: 3)" (Cuban, 2010: 179).
Such de-qualifying policy is for example in the UK. "Recent 2008 UK immigration policies, for example, have instituted a points-based system, aimed at recruiting "skilled" migrants to work in low-paying jobs (like care work) but with little support for them to maintain a high quality of life" (Cuban, 2010: 180).
There is sexual segregation. Branches in which there are no men are much less than the non-female sectors. Feminized industries have lower pay rates.
"Women migrants tend to be located in the lower echelons of labor markets. This is the case for manufacturing employment as well as for employment in the service and care sectors" (Lourdes, Deere & Kabeer, 2012: 6).
"Asymmetry in the terms on which different categories of labor are able to migrate has broadly gendered consequences. We have pointed out that, in general, it is largely male workers who fit the desired skill categories, while the kinds of skills that women acquire tend to fall outside these skill definitions -although there are some important exceptions, such as nurses" (Lourdes, Deere & Kabeer, 2012: 21).
"Women do not escape the gender segmentation of labor markets by migrating from their home countries but simply experience it in a different, often intensified, form in the receiving countries. In fact, their labor market segregation in the latter is generally greater than that experienced by migrant men as well. The intersection of global and local inequalities has given rise to the irony that educated women are relatively more likely than educated men to migrate, presumably because of more limited opportunities at home, but they generally end up in jobs for which they are overqualified. A gender analysis of international migration also makes visible the increasing commodification of care work on a global scale" (Lourdes, Deere & Kabeer, 2012: 7).
Slightly, these women are forced to settle for a little more money than they would receive in their home country at the expense of their professional disqualification. The psychological feeling of being undervalued and humiliated is growing.
The extent of exploitation, discrimination, violence to the point of talking "contracted slaves", even in the most developed capitalist countries, is enormous. It is not about owning these people but about maximizing their control (Bales, 1999: 4). It is not about slave-owners, but about slave-holders.
It becomes words for fictitious labor contracts. "Immigrant women's employment opportunities tend to be in temporary and unstable jobs. Employment contracts tend to be temporary and unstable, both in high and low-income countries. Although this can be extended, this temporary nature often becomes a source of instability and concern in the lives of immigrants and their families" (Lourdes, Deere & Kabeer, 2012: 6).
Contracts are absent, or not signed by a notary, or in a language that the worker does not understand, or does not describe the employer's obligations. In other words, to some extent, they are a fiction.
Asian and African female domestic workers in Lebanon are caught up not only in contract slavery but also, to some extent, in debt bondage. For example, the rights of freedom to withdraw their labor, to leave the country at will or to simply go out for a walk are routinely denied to live-in workers by their employers. The employer bears up-front costs of airfares, agency charges, visa, work permit and residency permit. These costs (up to US$2,000 or more) are seen as an investment or debt that requires protection. Therefore, passports being routinely withheld and restriction of movement outside the household are deemed to be justified measures to safeguard against the employee absconding (Jureidini & Moukarbel, 2004: 584).
In most cases, it's about an illegal or semi-legal status that prevents them from enjoying basic human rights. They face racial, religious, ethnic, gender discrimination. They are subjected except for economic but also to physical and psychological violence -unlimited working hours, restrictions on movement in space, on appearance, on external contacts, sexual and psychological abuse.
Employing women often act as the mother-in-law of the past. The house maid or caregiver is harassing, demonstrating jealousy in good relationship between the helper and the children. They often play the role of direct abuser.
The illegal status of many migrants undermines the democratic nature of the political regime. Migrant women can't enjoy the rights of the citizens' characteristic of this regime. These relations support racist values, xenophobic attitudes and practices. Citizens get used to link migrants to certain jobs. It is common to underestimate the real contribution of immigrants to their well-being.
Low-paid work in the field of care abroad corresponds to women's traditionally unpaid labor at home in their own countries.
The International Labor Organization, which is also an example of dominant male values and beliefs, does not distinguish as specific the problems of feminized and marginalized groups such as migrant home helpers. "Consequently, the dominant core labor standards (CLS) approaches to labor rights endorsed by the ILO have, by and large, failed to recognize the specific problems and issues faced by marginalized and feminized groups of workers such as migrant domestic workers" (Elias, 2010: 71).
The above problems are related to severe psychological problems.
Many immigrants, especially illegal, are subjected to less or greater disrespect, even contempt in the host country. Discrimination has not only economic but also psychological parameters.
Migrants with lesser-skilled work are underestimated as potential family partners. Their cultural habits are often misunderstood or ridiculed. Illegal babysitters are often forced to bathe in a separate room, to be washed separately because they are declared unclean, especially when they are from another race or ethnic group, to emphasize the difference.
Apart from the psychological problems caused by the host country, the psychological problems associated with the sending country are great. The biggest psychological problems stem from the detachment from the family, relatives, friends as mentioned above.
However, in less modernized countries, with less gender emancipation and more "anti-woman" state policy, there is lesser legitimacy and acceptance of female migration.
In some Asian, African and Latin American countries where the process of emancipation of women is less developed, the disrespect for the effort and sacrifice of these women is great. Even the state is involved in criticizing them. Disrespectful, derogatory, even reprehensible opinions are spreading in the public space.
"Local gender ideology lags a few paces behind the economic reality that has created many women-headed households across the ocean... Even today, the leading ideology affirms that the woman's place is at home and the households of all migrant mothers point to the opposite. In response, government officials and journalists condemned migrant mothers by claiming that they had caused the Filipino family to decline, by abandoning their children, and that a long-term crisis in childcare was established in the Philippines" (Erenrayh & Hohshild, 2004: 55). "The Philippine media support this view by continuously publishing and broadcasting sensational reports on the suffering of children from migrant families. The purpose of these reports is to condemn migrant mothers and emphasize that their children face much more serious problems than if the fathers are migrants; and despite the fact that most of these children are left with relatives, journalists are stubbornly calling them 'abandoned'" (Erenrayh & Hohshild, 2004: 55). The economic contribution of these women to the development of the Philippine economy is diminishing.
This moral deprivation of women affects mostly those most in need of protection. It pathologizes the situation of migrant children, while minimizing the emotional difficulties migrant mothers face (Erenrayh & Hohshild, 2004: 72).
In the more patriarchal countries, the emigration of a woman is stigmatized, compared to prostitution, the woman risks being marginalized because it breaks social norms (Vause & Toma, 2015: 47).
In more modernized countries like Bulgaria and other countries of the former "socialist" camp, female emigration is much more accepted as normal and possible, there is no such a degree of stigmatization. Public opinion in Bulgaria appears to be approached with greater understanding and respect for their decision. Even in the public sphere, the great importance of the money of the Bulgarian emigrants (including women) for the survival of many Bulgarian families is often mentioned. State actors and journalists are not allowed to criticize women on this line.
In countries like Bulgaria, where the emancipation of both women and men is to a greater extent, the difficulties, faced by children and men in the family of a migrant woman are, for that reason, with an idea smaller. But they are of the same nature.
Some states even market the image of female migrants by praising them as "economic heroes" who not only sacrifice themselves for their families but also for the nation.
Talking is allowed also about positive results from migration. But it is always necessary to distinguish for whom they are positive, for whom they are negative. There is usually a huge difference in this regard.
We can talk about the productive and reproductive role of migrants.
In those women who migrate not so much or just for economic reasons but also because they want to escape unloved or abusive men, migration gives a breath of air, a sense of freedom, the possibility of another solution to the family question, a check on their possibilities. Some women find a more appropriate and desirable professional realization, psychologically calm down.
The feminization of international labor migration plays a positive role as it compensates for the relatively low economic activity of women in the countries from which they emigrate. There is some positive effect on the development of economies in their home countries.
The impact on consumption in the sending country, on the one hand, and on investment in the economy, on the other, must be distinguished. With their money transfers, they help to develop both.
Family situation, gender roles, the motivation for migration appear to be highly correlated with remittance behavior. Interestingly, women are more affectionate and responsible to their families and, to a greater extent, make these money transfers. "Governments view the feminization of migration flows positively because they assume women are motivated by a higher sense of commitment to family well-being and thus are more likely to remit" (Lourdes, Deere & Kabeer, 2012: 14).
And in Asian women it is also because they have been chosen by their families to rescue them with their emigration and the corresponding money transfers. This can be interpreted as a patriarchal relationship in which daughters migrate to maintain the lifestyles of fathers or brothers. So here we are talking about lack of choice. This commitment to the family increases the tendency to send money transfers.
Money transfers help reduce poverty and social inequality, the survival of migrant families.
A distinction needs to be made between the impact of migrants on the economic development of their own countries and on the development of human capital in them. As can be seen from the above, the interpenetration between the two is too complex and sometimes contradictory in different countries and situations.
The balance between the damage caused and the benefits available must be analyzed. As far as the development of human potential is concerned, in many cases it seems as if the breaking of the families and the negative impact on the children, the spouses and the women themselves seem to prevail.
Women's emigration is usually a factor in the birth rate decrease in the sending country. This has positive dimensions for countries like China and India, for example, where the problem of overcrowding is high. At the same time, it has negative consequences for countries like Bulgaria with a huge demographic deficit. On the other hand, in the host countries migrants contribute to reducing their reproductive problems.
Female migration is a factor in questioning the traditional roles of man and woman in less modernized societies. Objectively, it helps to speed up their modernization.

Conclusion
As you can see, the feminization of emigration plays a very important role in the personal and social life of people in the modern world. In the vast majority of cases, it has serious negative psychological effects on the migrant women themselves and their loved ones. In other cases, psychological drama cannot be mentioned, but in all cases there is an increased risk of psychological problems. A common psychological condition is the feeling of loneliness. And it has a number of other negative social and physiological consequences.
In other words, globalization gives us great opportunities, but at the same time it gives us new challenges and problems.
My conclusion is that emigration usually complicates the lives of these women and very often has serious negative effects on the functioning of the family and social development of sending country. But it is necessary for each country to make a concrete analysis of the balance between positive and negative effects of female emigration.